Is it true About Putin?

Unfortunately, presently we should pound this multitude of wonderful speculations. Since Putin himself clarified once why he wears his watch on his right wrist. This captivating inquiry was first put to him toward the finish of his two-hour live telephone in with the country in 2002.

Yet again by 2018, everybody more likely than not failed to remember the president's clarification and the inquiry emerged. Also, the response was something similar: "Assuming that you wear it on your left hand, the crown, which turns, makes it feel off kilter and difficult. To that end I moved it to the next wrist."

"I wear my watch on my right hand, since that way, the crown doesn't scratch my wrist. It's just as simple as that," said then, at that point.

At the hour of this composition, Vladimir Putin is 69 years of age, having been brought into the world on October 7, 1952, per Britannica. He is the leader of the country formally known as the Russian Federation, right now serving his fourth term there and qualified to campaign for the most elevated position in Russia two times more, as indicated by NPR. Hence, the one who has held power in Russia beginning around 1999 - with a short, organized spell as state head, per Reuters - may well stay in power until the year 2036.

Which appears to be reasonable, for as per surveys, only days before this composition, Putin's endorsement evaluations among Russians were at a raised, stable 69%, as indicated by PBS News Hour. Which is difficult to settle against the assessment a great many people all over the planet hold of this totalitarian ruler as of now. Vladimir Putin is today one of the most detested men on earth. Under his immediate impact and utilizing guises so wobbly they are accepted by close to nobody past Russian lines, Russian soldiers and paramilitary powers are as of now arranging an enormous attack of Ukraine.

What drives Putin to send off a grievous intrusion of his country's neighbor even as the world fights? What has framed this prospective septuagenarian into such a savage, eager for power dictator that he has apparently no respect for human existence, law and order, or fundamental decency? The short response: it's muddled. The more drawn out reply: it's confounded, so how about we investigate the hood.

PUTIN GREW UP IN A COMMUNAL APARTMENT SHARED WITH THREE FAMILIES

Brought into the world in St. Petersburg (then, at that point, called Leningrad out of appreciation for the author of the Communist Party in the USSR, Vladimir Ilyich Ulyanov, or Lenin, by means of BBC) in the mid 1950s, youthful Vladimir Putin and his family had an everyday environment that was totally normal for Soviet residents of the time: the Putins imparted a solitary condo to two different families, as indicated by Newsweek. This implied mutual utilization of the oven, the sink, the bathroom, etc among every one of the three of the families.

However the Putin family was very much set up with regards to the spot and time, having the biggest space to themselves. It was a 12-foot-by-15-foot room the youthful Vladimir imparted to his mom, a previous assembly line laborer who might work various random temp jobs further down the road, father, a trooper harmed during WWII (through the New York Times) and later a gifted toolmaker, and would have imparted to two more seasoned kin had they not both kicked the bucket youthful.

The Putins were additionally striking in that they had a TV and phone in their condo as well as a little dacha, or summer home (picture a fundamental lodge, not a rich ocean side house) outside of the city to which they could withdraw when time allowed, by means of Newsweek. For the times, it was a very much open to childhood, one that would even have been the jealousy of numerous almost penniless Soviet residents of the day.

YOUTHFUL VLADMIR WAS A PROMISING ATHLETE BUT MIDDLING STUDENT

Notwithstanding the emanation the grown-up Putin likes to make around himself - one in which he seems to be almost faultless and endlessly proficient - be the job that needs to be done outmaneuvering an adversary in a judo match (by means of Newsweek), handling an almost inconceivably enormous pike (through the Christian Science Monitor), driving a herd of wild birds on a movement route (via the Guardian), guiding a reduced submarine art (by means of Reuters), or driving a country through the ups and down of history, Vladimir Putin's life has barely been one long example of overcoming adversity.

As a youngster, Putin was an unfortunate understudy, as indicated by ABC News. He was regularly late and once in a while no-show, he didn't dedicate a lot of time or work to review or testing, and he was frequently in a difficult situation for things like talking in class, passing notes, and in any event, flinging blackboard erasers at different understudies when moved by mad outbursts. His grades were humble, best case scenario, and generally speaking he showed little guarantee during his elementary school years.

Fair execution in grade school and center school in any case, Putin acquired a spot in the regarded secondary school Leningrad School No. 281, as indicated by the LA Times, and in his secondary school years, Putin made something happen, focusing in and acquiring much better stamps. 

Also, by then, Putin kept on zeroing in on the one region in which he had consistently sparkled: sports, and specifically combative techniques. Putin had started to rehearse sambo and judo at around age 11, and he showed a quick fitness for combative techniques, which stay a significant piece of his life - both actually and in his public persona - even today.

A unique puzzle

"The canine doesn't irritate you, isn't that right? She's an agreeable canine and I'm certain she will stay under control," Putin once broadly - menacingly - asked Germany's previous Chancellor Angela Merkel when they met in Moscow, realizing beyond any doubt that the head of one of Europe's most impressive nations had an extraordinary anxiety toward canines.

A photo of the experience shows Merkel looking restless as Putin's dark Labrador settles close to her feet. Putin glances toward them and smiles.

From Syria's polite conflict to hushing his faultfinders, from U.S. political race intruding to Moscow's addition of Ukraine's Crimea locale in 2014, Putin's political getting sorted out rule has all the earmarks of being: Sow question, then, at that point, sow uncertainty about that uncertainty. In any event, keep everything as befuddling as could be expected.

In 2013, Putin distributed a commentary in The New York Times cautioning President Barack Obama and the American individuals straightforwardly against military mediation in Syria and engaging in the struggles under the surface of different nations all the more for the most part. He then, at that point, spent the most amazing aspect of the following ten years savagely besieging Syrian radicals and regular citizens to set up Syrian President Bashar al-Assad's system.

Russia's chief spent the whole of Donald Trump's administration demanding that there had been no intruding in the 2016 political race. A couple of months before Trump's term finished, Putin did a turn around and declared that there had truth be told been political race interfering in the vote that chosen Trump - by Ukrainian oligarchs who had given cash to Trump's political rivals, to be specific Hilary Clinton. Putin made the cases not in a news meeting or press interview but rather in a plunk down conversation with producer turned-trick scholar Oliver Stone.

At the point when warriors without symbol on their green outfits held onto control of Crimea in 2014, top Russian authorities including Putin over and over prevented they were individuals from getting the Russian military. After a year, Putin began flaunting they were. Lately, Putin has unjustifiably guaranteed that "slaughter" is occurring in Donetsk and Luhansk. 

He has seemed to back manufactured claims by rebels that they are emptying regular people from Donetsk and Luhansk as a result of animosity from Ukraine's military. Autonomous observing gatherings say that couldn't possibly be more off-base. As proof mounts that Russia-upheld separatists are shelling Ukraine's military, Russian authorities declare it's the opposite way around.

From Where the Wealth ?

Putin's own life and the wellspring of his obvious fortune, as well, are covered in secret. His authority pay is about $150,000, yet he wears $60,000 watches.

An examination by Navalny uncovered that Putin might be the genuine proprietor of a $1.3 billion lavish castle in southern Russia that has its own underground hockey arena, club and church.

German media detailed that a superyacht accepted to have a place with Putin unexpectedly left Hamburg, where it was having a few fixes done, as pressures with Ukraine escalated and U.S. furthermore, European authorities began discussing phenomenally extreme assents assuming the attack went on.

There is an ex, somewhere around two little girls, perhaps a special lady or two. Putin has never been openly captured with his kids.

Putin has advanced a picture of himself as a protector of "conventional" family esteems and frequently summons the Russian Orthodox Church in discourses.

In late January, Russian state media broadcast film of him noticing an Orthodox Christian ceremony to check the dining experience of Epiphany. Wearing blue swimsuit, Putin in the recording drenches himself in the cold waters of a cross-formed pool close to Moscow.

For somebody who was brought up in the socialist agnostic Soviet Union, it's difficult to say how earnest this is and how much is tied in with taking care of Putin's hyper nationalist plan. Overviews show solid favorable to Russian feeling lines up with help for the congregation.

In any case, there are some Putin assurances: reported realities that show up every year in Russia as broadly accessible Vladimir Putin schedules.

These schedules highlight Putin in an assortment of postures and show how he gets a kick out of the chance to fish, chase and ride ponies, ideally shirtless while in the wilds of Siberia. He enjoys cruisers and rifles. In 2018's schedule, Mr. March (Putin) is seen competing in a judo match.

Why Vladimir Putin Protected Edward Snowden?

When Edward Snowden, with the assistance of his curators in the Russian government, held his makeshift news conference last Friday in Sheremetyevo Airport's transit zone, it was no surprise that pro-Kremlin opinion makers dominated the short, invitation-only list of attendees. Among them were prominent lawyer and Public Chamber member Anatoly Kucherena, political analyst and State Duma Deputy Vyacheslav Nikonov and human rights ombudsmen Vladimir Lukin. Basking in the spotlight amid Snowden's sudden reappearance after nearly a month of being incognito in the airport's transit zone, they took full advantage of this PR opportunity, explaining to several hundred journalists on hand that Russia should offer Snowden political asylum because he is a refugee of U.S. repression.

"Snowden is not a criminal," Lukin said, "and deserves asylum status."

Putin has a strong dislike for human rights activists as a class — and even more disdain for traitors, whom he recently called "swine."

"He deserves protection," Kucherena said. "We need to defend him. I consider him a hero. … [The U.S. government] is persecuting him."

This kind of demagoguery is expected from Kremlin loyalists. But what was surprising and disheartening was that the Moscow-based directors of two respected global rights organizations, Human Rights Watch and Amnesty International, joined the chorus of support for Snowden's quest to receive political asylum. It was unsettling to see these organizations in full solidarity with Kremlin spin doctors. Indeed, the two groups make strange bedfellows, particularly considering that these NGOs have been victims of government harassment and a state-­sponsored smear campaign that depicts them as U.S.-paid agents.

These ardent Snowden supporters fail to understand a fundamental principle in asylum jurisprudence: Political asylum should be granted in cases of persecution, not prosecution. To qualify for asylum, Snowden must produce evidence that he is being persecuted based on his political opinion, race, religion, nationality or membership in a particular social group. These are United Nations and internationally recognized categories to determine the legitimacy of a person's asylum request. Asylum should not be granted to suspected criminals like Snowden who are simply trying to avoid a jail sentence in their home country.

A good example of a legitimate asylum seeker would be Leonid Razvozzhayev, an opposition leader who fled to Ukraine in October to escape political persecution in Russia. When Razvozzhayev tried to seek political asylum in the office of the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees in Kiev, he was seized by masked men believed to be Russian intelligence agents, handcuffed and dragged back to Moscow, where he is still being held in pretrial detention on trumped-up charges of "plotting riots." In this case, both Amnesty International and ­Human Rights Watch were correct in protesting Razvozzhayev's kidnapping, detention and prosecution.

Most Snowden supporters in Russia agree that Snowden broke the law by leaking classified information but say there is a higher law — a moral law — that justifies his decision to expose massive surveillance by the National Security Agency that Americans and the entire world had a right to know about. His actions, the argument goes, amounted to civil disobedience in the spirit of U.S. civil rights leader Martin Luther King Jr.

But these Snowden advocates are missing two key differences: King, a Noble Peace Prize laureate, did not flee the U.S., and he worked within the democratic system to push for human rights legislation that addressed the immorality of existing segregation laws. Snowden, too, should have also worked within the U.S. legal system to declassify the NSA programs, thus subjecting them to larger public scrutiny, instead of engaging in criminal cyber-vigilantism.

Snowden claims to be a whistleblower, but he is far from one. Unlike real whistleblowers — such as Daniel Ellsberg, who leaked the Pentagon Papers in 1971 — Snowden did not reveal anything illegal in the NSA surveillance programs and thus cannot be protected under U.S. whistleblower laws. His sole position was that he was against the NSA surveillance programs and thought they should be declassified.

But Snowden's personal dislike of the NSA programs is not sufficient grounds to leak classified information. This is precisely why he is a criminal, not a whistleblower. According to Snowden's logic, a pedophile who doesn't like anti-pedophile laws would have the same self-anointed right to violate the law on the grounds that it also contradicts his or her personal values.

While pro-Kremlin spin doctors are having a heyday with Snowden's extended stay in Moscow and are enthusiastic about the opportunity to give him asylum, President Vladimir Putin remains highly unenthusiastic, to say the least, about Snowden's presence in the country for two main reasons.

First, Putin has a strong dislike for human rights activists as a class, especially those working in Russia. They hardly mix well with his vertical power structure. Putin may like activists more when they reveal rights abuses in the U.S., but having someone like Snowden living in Russia and becoming cozy with Russian-based rights groups, who have their own long laundry lists of abuses committed by Putin's regime, probably makes Putin a bit uneasy.

Last week, pro-Kremlin defense analyst Igor Korotchenko said in an interview with state-­controlled Rossia 24 television that if Snowden receives asylum in Russia, "he will have a fabulous opportunity to continue his human rights activities, including battling against the state's interference in private lives."

The problem, though, is that if Snowden were to turn his attention toward Russia's poor record on human rights, government transparency and privacy protection, Russia could easily get more than it bargained for with Snowden. After all, Putin's condition for giving Snowden political asylum was that he refrain from inflicting more damage on the United States. Putin said nothing about Russia.

This situation is complicated by the fact that Russian authorities are keen on expanding surveillance of Russians who use Google, YouTube, Skype and Facebook, the preferred site for organizing protests. These foreign companies, unlike Russian ones such as Yandex, are largely out of the reach of the Federal Security Service, or FSB, since their servers are located in the U.S. 

Thus, the Kremlin is trying to force these U.S.-based companies to give the FSB direct, unlimited access to their servers as a condition for them being able to operate in the country. Snowden, whose main mission was to fight the "U.S. surveillance state," would likely have trouble swallowing this exponentially larger surveillance state in Russia.

Given Snowden's apparent obsession with privacy rights and government transparency, Putin doesn't trust him. There is no guarantee that Snowden would remain silent about the FSB's widespread spying abuses, which make even the NSA's worst abuses look like child's play. (For example, the e-mails and telephone conversations of opposition leader Alexei Navalny, who was sentenced to five years in prison on Thursday, were regularly hacked, even before charges were filed against him.) And once Snowden received asylum status, even Putin would have trouble taking it away if Snowden got out of hand.

The second reason Putin, a former KGB agent, is wary about Snowden is because Putin remains religiously faithful to the lifetime oath he took: Never give away state secrets. Whatever initial gratification he might have experienced when Snowden revealed U.S. government abuses was quickly replaced by a sense of disdain for Snowden, who betrayed his nation. For this reason alone, Putin clearly considers Snowden a traitor, not a hero.

Putin put it best in 2010, when he spoke of an informant who gave away 10 Russian sleeper agents operating in the U.S.: "Traitors are swine. … The lives of traitors always end badly." And this is precisely why Putin said that the sooner Snowden leaves Russia, the better.